Southern Nigerian women were first granted the right to vote and to be elected. The Nigerian Constitution Amendment Act of 1954 was a pivotal juncture in Nigerian history. It eliminated gender restrictions on voting and candidature rights, enabling both men and women to engage in the political process equally. Northern women were given suffrage rights in 1979.
Historically, Nigerian women have played various leadership roles. Women in regions such as the Niger Delta occupied positions of authority, assuming roles such as chieftaincy titles and priestesses. They also played an active role in decision-making procedures. Women had a broader impact beyond the household, indirectly influencing political discussions. Nevertheless, the dominant patriarchal culture frequently constrained their ability to engage in official political activities.
Women had crucial responsibilities in pre-colonial Nigeria. In Yoruba and Igbo communities, women actively participated in agricultural activities, trade, and the creation of handicrafts. They served as producers and dealers, substantially contributing to the economy and preserving and upholding culture and tradition.
Women account for almost 50% of the Nigerian population. According to the World Development Index (2023), Nigeria's female population is approximately 110.67 million, while the male population amounted to approximately 113.13 million inhabitants. However, this has not translated into enough representation and inclusion for women in Nigerian politics.
Inclusion Challenges in Nigerian Politics
Nigerian women face several challenges when they choose to participate in Nigerian politics. First, society does not enable women's participation in politics, given the period when franchise for women became a possibility. Nigerian society upholds patriarchal cultural beliefs that belittle women in leadership positions of any kind. Some of those cultural beliefs include the insistence on submission to men, the belief that women are to be relegated to motherly roles and wifely duties, and the general perception that women cannot make great leaders.
The Sharia law, which is primarily dominant in the northern area of Nigeria, has also contributed to the lack of women’s inclusion in Nigeria. In the passage of the Gender and Equal Opportunities Bill (GEOB), one of the reasons for its rejection, raised by Sen. Adamu Aliero, was that such a bill is not permissible by sharia law.
Women face financial constraints due to the expense of political campaigns and running in Nigeria. The cost of securing party nomination tickets, campaigning, and mobilising supporters is a huge barrier, as women are more at an economic disadvantage due to gender inequalities, including limited access to education, resources, and opportunities, as well as societal norms and discrimination., limiting their ability to pursue independent political careers.
Political parties in Nigeria are dominated by men, who may be reluctant to support female political candidates or make them a priority due to the political ambitions of said men. Most political parties also lack an internal democracy that gives women parity in representation. Women are often limited to “motherly roles” and roles that seem more feminine, like welfare roles, healthcare roles, and feeding, to mention a few. Gender-based violence also contributes to the erasure of women from politics. Women are deterred from participating in political activities due to online and offline threats and intimidation from male opponents.
Another barrier is the lack of existing laws promoting gender equality. Although Nigeria has signed a policy to increase women’s political participation through the National Gender Policy (2006), implementation has been slow, thus leading to a limited practical impact on women’s political inclusion.
Source: Elor Nkereuwem, 2023
Women in Nigeria are more likely to run for legislative positions than executive positions, such as governor or president, which are generally less competitive. Most women who enter politics are newbies, and those who lose elections often struggle to continue. Nigeria's low female-to-male political representation contrasts with sub-Saharan Africa's 26%. The nation trails behind in gender parity in politics despite a vibrant democracy and a rise in youth participation.
Women’s Inclusion in Politics: A Data-Driven Approach
Various strategies are being implemented globally to increase the proportion of women in politics. From legislative quotas to reserved seats to party quotas, different countries use the quota system to include more women in politics.
In Rwanda, the number of women in parliament has increased due to the constitutional requirement that women occupy at least 30% of seats in the national parliament. This has also led to the greatest number of women in parliament globally.
Before the genocide, women in Rwanda had restricted access to education and career opportunities even though 19% of political representatives were female. The percentage of women has doubled and is now at 65% due to the introduction of a new constitution in 2003 permitting a 30% inclusion of women. In its two-chamber parliament, 24 of the 80 seats in the lower house must be held by women, and the reserved seats are elected by an electoral college constituted of voters from local women's councils and district councils.
In Sweden, many political parties adopted the zipper system, alternating male and female candidates on party lists to ensure gender balance. In Sweden’s constitution, Chapter 1, Article 2, notes that:
The public institutions shall promote the opportunity for all to attain participation and equality in society and for the rights of the child to be safeguarded. The public institutions shall combat discrimination of persons on grounds of gender, colour, national or ethnic origin, linguistic or religious affiliation, functional disability, sexual orientation, age, or other circumstance affecting the individual.
Although the constitution did not specify a quota system for women’s inclusion, party quotas have significantly improved women’s inclusion. Riksdag in Sweden recorded 47.3% representation in 2006, up from 13.1% in 1961. Most major parties have adopted the party quota system, significantly improving political inclusion.
In Nigeria, the case has been different. Although the National Gender Policy (2006) aims to achieve a 30% representation of women in parliament, it has failed in its implementation. Bills like the Gender and Equal Opportunities Bill (GEOB) have been rejected by the legislature. Developing and implementing gender-sensitive policies to facilitate women's representation and participation in political processes is now more crucial. These policies should address obstacles that impede women's participation in governance, including discriminatory practices, restricted access to resources, and social norms.
It is important to note that achieving women’s inclusion in Nigerian politics has to start with the constitution. Beyond passing bills and enacting legislation that might not be implemented, amending the constitution to speak to all marginalised groups, including women, would improve women’s inclusion in Nigerian politics.
References
Dahlerup, D. (2013). Women, quotas, and politics. Routledge.
Oladipo, V., & Chukwudi, C. (2023). Social media and women’s political participation in Nigeria. ResearchGate.
Pathfinders. (2023, June 21) Rwanda’s 30 percent gender quota led to the world’s largest share of women in government— Pathfinders. https://www.sdg16.plus/policies/rwandas-30-percent-gender-quota-led-to-the-worlds-largest-share-of-women-in-government/
Policy Vault Africa. (2022, September 26). Deconstructing Nigeria’s National Gender Policy (2006). PolicyVault.Africa. https://policyvault.africa/national-gender-policy/
Therkelsen, D. (2020, February 12). Report: Women’s political participation and representation in the Niger Delta—SDN. https://www.stakeholderdemocracy.org/women-in-the-niger-delta/